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Äèïëîìíàÿ ðàáîòà ïî ôîíåòèêå àíãëèéñêîãî ÿçûêà íà òåìó:
«REGIONAL VARIATION OF PRONUNCIATION IN THE SOUTH-WEST OF ENGLAND»
Ìîñêâà 2001
Plan:
Introduction…………………………………………………………………………….3
Part I. The Specific Features of dialects
1. What is the “dialect”?……………………………………………………………4
2. Geographic dialects………………………………………………………………5
3. Dialectal change and diffusion…………………………………………………...5
4. Unifying influences on dialects…………………………………………………..8
5. Focal, relic, and transitional areas………………………………………………..9
6. Received Pronunciation………………………………………………………….9
7. Who first called it PR?………………………………………………………….10
8. Social Variation…………………………………………………………………11
9. Dialects of England: Traditional and Modern…………………………………..12
Part II. Background to the Cornish Language
1. Who are the Cornish?…………………………………………………………...15
2. What is a Celtic Language?…………………………………………………….15
3. How is Cornish Related to other Celtic Languages?…………………………...15
4. The Decline of Cornish…………………………………………………………15
5. The Rebirth of Cornish…………………………………………………………16
6. Standard Cornish………………………………………………………………..16
7. Who uses Cornish Today?……………………………………………………...16
8. Government Recognition for Cornish…………………………………………..16
Part III. Peculiarities of South-Western Dialects
Vocalisation…………………………………………………………………….18
1. Consonantism…………………………………………………………………...23
2. Grammar………………………………………………………………………..27
3.1 Nouns……………………………………………………………………….27
3.2 Gender………………………………………………………………………27
3.2.1 Gender making in Wessex-type English………………………………….27
3.3 Numerals……………………………………………………………………29
3.4 Adjectives…………………………………………………………………...29
.5 Pronouns…………………………………………………………………….30
3.5.1 Demonstrative adjectives and pronouns in a Devonshire dialect…………………………………………………31
3.6 Verbs……………………………………………………………………...39
3.7 Adverbs…………………………………………………………………...42
3.8 Transitivity and intransivity in the dialects of South-West England…………………………………………………...44
4. Vocabulary………………………………………………………………..52
Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………...68
Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………..69
Supplements…………………………………………………………………………..71
Introduction.
The modern English language is an international language nowadays. It
is also the first spoken language of such countries as Australia, New
Zealand, Canada, South Africa.
But in the very United Kingdom there are some varieties of it, called dialects, and accents.
The purpose of the present research paper is to study the characteristic features of the present day dialect of the South-Western region in particular.
To achieve this purpose it is necessary to find answers to the following questions:
- What is the “dialect”?
- Why and where is it spoken?
- How does it differ from the standard language?
Methods of this research paper included the analysis of works of the
famous linguists and phoneticians as Peter Trudgill and J.K. Chambers,
Paddock and Harris, J.A. Leuvensteijn and J.B. Berns, M.M. Makovsky and
D.A. Shakhbagova, and also the needed information from Britannica and the
encyclopedia by David Crystal and the speech of the native population of
Devonshire and Wiltshire.
Structurally the paper consists of three parts focused on the information about “the dialect” in general and the ways it differs from the standard language (its phonetic, grammar and other linguistic differences), and the specific features of the South-West of England.
The status of the English language in the XXth century has undergone certain changes. Modern English has become a domineering international language of nowadays.
PART I. The Specific Features of dialects.
1. What is the “dialect”?
Dialect is a variety of a language. This very word comes from the
Ancient Greek dialectos “discourse, language, dialect”, which is derived
from dialegesthai “to discourse, talk”. A dialect may be distinguished from
other dialects of the same language by features of any part of the
linguistic structure - the phonology, morphology, or syntax.
“The label dialect, or dialectal, is attached to substandard speech,
language usage that deviates from the accepted norm. On the other hand the
standard language can be regarded as one of the dialects of a given
language. In a special historical sense, the term dialect applies to a
language considered as one of a group deriving from a common ancestor, e.g.
English dialects”. (¹9, p.389)
It is often considered difficult to decide whether two linguistic varieties are dialects of the same language or two separate but closely related languages; this is especially true of dialects of primitive societies.
Normally, dialects of the same language are considered to be mutually intelligible while different languages are not. Intelligibility between dialects is, however, almost never absolutely complete; on the other hand, speakers of closely related languages can still communicate to a certain extent when each uses his own mother tongue. Thus, the criterion of intelligibility is quite relative. In more developed societies, the distinction between dialects and related languages is easier to make because of the existence of standard languages and, in some cases, national consciousness.
There is the term ‘vernacular’ among the synonyms for dialect; it
refers to the common, everyday speech of the ordinary people of a region.
The word accent has numerous meanings; in addition to denoting the
pronunciation of a person or a group of people (“a foreign accent”, “a
British accent”, “a Southern accent”). In contrast to accent, the term
dialect is used to refer not only to the sounds of language but also to its
grammar and vocabulary.
2. Geographic dialects.
The most widespread type of dialectal differentiation is geographic.
As a rule, the speech of one locality differs from that of any other place.
Differences between neighbouring local dialects are usually small, but, in
travelling farther in the same direction, differences accumulate.
“Every dialectal feature has its own boundary line, called an isogloss
(or sometimes heterogloss). Isoglosses of various linguistic phenomena
rarely coincide completely, and by crossing and interweaving they
constitute intricate patterns on dialect maps. Frequently, however, several
isoglosses are grouped approximately together into a bundle of isoglosses.
This grouping is caused either by geographic obstacles that arrest the
diffusion of a number of innovations along the same line or by historical
circumstances, such as political borders of long standing, or by migrations
that have brought into contact two populations whose dialects were
developed in noncontiguous areas”. (¹9, p.396)
Geographic dialects include local ones or regional ones. Regional dialects do have some internal variation, but the differences within a regional dialect are supposedly smaller than differences between two regional dialects of the same rank.
“In a number of areas (“linguistic landscapes”) where the dialectal
differentiation is essentially even, it is hardly justified to speak of
regional dialects. This uniformity has led many linguists to deny the
meaningfulness of such a notion altogether; very frequently, however,
bundles of isoglosses - or even a single isogloss of major importance -
permit the division, of a territory into regional dialects. The public is
often aware of such divisions, usually associating them with names of
geographic regions or provinces, or with some feature of pronunciation.
Especially clear-cut cases of division are those in which geographic
isolation has played the principal role”. (¹9, p.397)
3. Dialectal change and diffusion.
The basic cause of dialectal differentiation is linguistic change.
Every living language constantly changes in its various elements. Because
languages are extremely complex systems of signs, it is almost
inconceivable that linguistic evolution could affect the same elements and
even transform them in the same way in all regions where one language is
spoken and for all speakers in the same region. At first glance,
differences caused by linguistic change seem to be slight, but they
inevitably accumulate with time (e.g. compare Chaucer’s English with modern
English). Related languages usually begin as dialects of the same language.
“When a change (an innovation) appears among only one section of the
speakers of a language, this automatically creates a dialectal difference.
Sometimes an innovation in dialect A contrasts with the unchanged usage
(archaism) in dialect B. Sometimes a separate innovation occurs in each of
the two dialects. Of course, different innovations will appear in different
dialects, so that, in comparison with its contemporaries, no one dialect as
a whole can be considered archaic in any absolute sense. A dialect may be
characterized as relatively archaic, because it shows fewer innovations
than the others; or it may be archaic in one feature only”. (¹9, p.415)
After the appearance of a dialectal feature, interaction between speakers who have adopted this feature and those who have not leads to the expansion of its area or even to its disappearance. In a single social milieu (generally the inhabitants of the same locality, generation and social class), the chance of the complete adoption or rejection of a new dialectal feature is very great; the intense contact and consciousness of membership within the social group fosters such uniformity. When several age groups or social strata live within the same locality and especially when people speaking the same language live in separate communities dialectal differences are easily maintained.
“The element of mutual contact plays a large role in the maintenance of speech patterns; that is why differences between geographically distant dialects are normally greater than those between dialects of neighbouring settlements. This also explains why bundles of isoglosses so often form along major natural barriers - impassable mountain ranges, deserts, uninhabited marshes or forests, or wide rivers - or along political borders. Similarly, racial or religious differences contribute to linguistic differentiation because contact between members of one faith or race and those of another within the same area is very often much more superficial and less frequent than contact between members of the same racial or religious group. An especially powerful influence is the relatively infrequent occurrence of intemarriages, thus preventing dialectal mixture at the point where it is most effective; namely, in the mother tongue learned by the child at home”. (¹9, p.417)
The fact that speech, in particular, can give such a clear answer to the question “Where are you from?” exercises a peculiar fascination, and the terms dialect and accent are a normal part of everyday vocabulary. We can notice regional differences in the way people talk, laugh at dialect jokes, enjoy dialect literature and folklore and appreciate the point of dialect parodies.
At the same time - and this is the paradox of dialect study - we can easily make critical judgements about ways of speaking which we perceive as alien. These attitudes are usually subconscious.
The study of regional linguistic variation is very important. The more we know about regional variation and change in the use of English, the more we will come to appreciate the individuality of each of the varieties which we call dialects, and the less we are likely to adopt demeaning stereotypes about people from other parts of the country.
As for the United Kingdom until 1700 the small population was sparsely distributed and largely rural and agricultural, much as it had been in medieval times. From the mid-18th century, scientific and technological innovations created the first modern industrial state, while, at the same time, agriculture was undergoing technical and tenurial changes and revolutionary improvements in transport made easier the movement of materials and people. As a result, by the first decade of the 19th century, a previously mainly rural population had been largely replaced by a nation made up of industrial workers and town dwellers.
The rural exodus was a long process. The breakdown of communal farming started before the 14th century; and subsequently enclosures advanced steadily, especially after 1740, until a century later open fields had virtually disappeared from the landscape. Many of the landless agricultural labourers so displaced were attracted to the better opportunities for employment and the higher wage levels existing in the growing industries; their movements, together with those of the surplus population produced by the contemporary rapid rise in the birth rate, resulted in a high volume of internal migration that took the form of a movement toward the towns.
Industry, as well as the urban centres that inevitably grew up around it, was increasingly located near the coalfields, while the railway network, which grew rapidly after 1830, enhanced the commercial importance of many towns. The migration of people especially young people, from the country to industrialized towns took place at an unprecedented rate in the early railway age, and such movements were relatively confined geographically.
Soon after World War I, new interregional migrations flow commenced
when the formerly booming 19th-century industrial and mining districts lost
much of their economic momentum. Declining or stagnating heavy industry in
Clydeside, northeastern England, South Wales, and parts of Lancashire and
Yorkshire swelled the ranks of the unemployed, and the consequent outward
migration became the drift to the relatively more prosperous Midlands and
southern England. This movement of people continued until it was arrested
by the relatively full employment conditions that obtained soon after the
outbreak of World War II.
In the 1950-s, opportunities for employment in the United Kingdom
improved with government sponsored diversification of industry, and this
did much to reduce the magnitude of the prewar drift to the south. The
decline of certain northern industries - coal mining shipbuilding, and
cotton textiles in particular - had nevertheless reached a critical level
by the late 1960s, and the emergence of new growth points in the West
Midlands and southwestern England made the drift to the south a continuing
feature of British economic life. Subsequently, the area of most rapid
growth shifted to East Anglia, the South West, and the East Midlands. This
particular spatial emphasis resulted from the deliberately planned movement
of people to the New Towns in order to relieve the congestion around
London.
4. Unifying influences on dialects.
Communication lines such as roads (if they are at least several centuries old), river valleys, or seacoasts often have a unifying influence. Also important urban centres often form the hub of a circular region in which the same dialect is spoken. In such areas the prestige dialect of the city has obviously expanded. As a general rule, those dialects, or at least certain dialectal features, with greater social prestige tend to replace those that are valued lower on the social scale.
In times of less frequent contact between populations, dialectal differences increase, in periods, of greater contact, they diminish. Mass literacy, schools, increased mobility of populations, and mass communications all contribute to this tendency.
Mass migrations may also contribute to the formation of a more or less uniform dialect over broad geographic areas. Either the resulting dialect is that of the original homeland of a particular migrating population or it is a dialect mixture formed by the levelling of differences among migrants from more than one homeland. The degree of dialectal differentiation depends to a great extent on the length of time a certain population has remained in a certain place.
5. Focal, relic, and transitional areas.
Dialectologists often distinguish between focal areas - which provide sources of numerous important innovations and usually coincide with centres of lively economic or cultural activity - and relic areas - places toward which such innovations are spreading but have not usually arrived. (Relic areas also have their own innovations, which, however, usually extend over a smaller geographical area.)
“Relic areas or relic phenomena are particularly common in out-of-the- way regional pockets or along the periphery of a particular language’s geographical territory.
The borders of regional dialects often contain transitional areas that
share some features with one neighbour and some with the other. Such
mixtures result from unequal diffusion of innovations from both sides.
Similar unequal diffusion in mixed dialects in any region also may be a
consequence of population mixture created by migrations”. (¹9, p.420)
6. Received Pronunciation.
“The abbreviation RP (Received Pronunciation) denotes the speech of
educated people living in London and the southeast of England and of other
people elsewhere who speak in this way. If the qualifier ‘educated’ be
assumed, RP is then a regional (geographical) dialect, as contrasted with
London Cockney, which is a class (social) dialect. RP is not intrinsically
superior to other varieties of English; it is itself only one particular
regional dialect that has, through the accidents of history, achieved more
extensive use than others. Although acquiring its unique status without the
aid of any established authority, it may have been fostered by the public
schools (Winchester, Eton, Harrow and so on) and the ancient universities
(Oxford and Cambridge). Other varieties of English are well preserved in
spite of the levelling influences of film, television, and radio”. (¹8,
p.365)
The ancestral form of RP was well-established over 400 years ago as
the accent of the court and the upper classes. The English courtier George
Puttenham writing in 1589 thought that the English of nothern men, whether
they be noblemen or gentlemen… is not so courtly or so current as our
Southern English is.
The present-day situation.
Today, with the breakdown of rigid divisions between social classes and the development of the mass media, RP is no longer the preserve of a social elite. It is most widely heard on the BBC; but there are also conservative and trend-setting forms.
Early BBC recordings show how much RP has altered over just a few decades, and they make the point that no accent is immune to change, not even “the best”. But the most important fact is that RP is no longer as widely used today as it was 50 years ago. Most educated people have developed an accent which is a mixture of RP and various regional characteristics - “modified RP”, some call it. In some cases, a former RP speaker has been influenced by regional norms; in other cases a former regional speaker has moved in the direction of RP.
7. Who first called it RP?
The British phonetician Daniel Jones was the first to codify the
properties of RP. It was not a label he much liked, as he explains in “An
Outline of English Phonetics” (1980):
“I do not consider it possible at the present time to regard any
special type as “standard” or as intrinsically “better” than other types.
Nevertheless, the type described in this book is certainly a useful one. It
is based on my own (Southern) speech, and is, as far as I can ascertain,
that generally used by those who have been educated at “preparatory”
boarding schools and the “Public Schools”… The term “Received
Pronunciation”… is often used to designate this type of pronunciation. This
term is adopted here for want of a better”. (1960, 9th edn, p.12)
The historical linguist H.C. Wyld also made much use of the term
‘received’ in “A Short History of English” (1914):
“It is proposed to use the term ‘Received Standard’ for that form which all would probably agree in considering the best that form which has the widest currency and is heard with practically no variation among speakers of the better class all over the country”. (1927, 3rd edn, p.149)
The previous usage to which Jones refers can be traced back to the dialectologist A.J. Ellis, in “On Early English Pronunciation” (1869):
“In the present day we may, however, recognize a received pronunciation all over the country… It may be especially considered as the educated pronunciation of the metropolis of the court, the pulpit, and the bar”. (p.23)
Even then, there were signs of the future, for he goes on to say:
“But in as much as all these localities and professions are recruited from the provinces, there will be a varied thread of provincial utterance running through the whole”.» (¹8, p.365)
8. Social variation.
As for the accents, they refer to the varieties in pronunciation,
which convey information about a person’s geographical origin. These
varieties are partly explained by social mobility and new patterns of
settlement. Distinct groups or social formation within the whole may be set
off from each other in a variety of ways: by gender, by age, by class, by
ethnic identity. Particular groups will tend to have characteristic ways of
using the language-characteristic ways of pronouncing it, - for example -
and these will help to mark off the boundaries of one group from another.
They belong to different social groups and perform different social roles.
A person might be identified as ‘a woman’, ‘a parent’, ‘a child’, ‘a
doctor’, or in many other ways. Many people speak with an accent, which
shows the influence of their place of work. Any of these identities can
have consequences for the kind of language they use. Age, sex, and socio-
economic class have been repeatedly shown to be of importance when it comes
to explaining the way sounds, constructions, and vocabulary vary.
I think the best example to show it is the famous play “Pygmalion” by
Bernard Shaw touched upon social classes, speech and social status of
people using different types of accents and dialects. One of the ideas was
that it is possible to tell from a person’s speech not only where he comes
from but what class he belongs to. But no matter what class a person
belongs to, he can easily change his pronunciation depending on what
environment he finds himself in. The heroine Liza aired his views, saying:
“When a child is brought to a foreign country, it picks up the language in
a few weeks, and forgets its own. Well, I am a child in your country. I
have forgotten my own language, and can speak nothing but yours.” (¹13,
p.64).
So some conclusions about the kinds of social phenomena that influence change through contact with other dialects can be made: a) dialects differ from region through the isolation of groups of speakers; b) dialects change through contact with other dialects; c) the upper classes reinforce Standard English and RP through education.
9. Dialects of England: Traditional and Modern.
After the retirement of the Romans from the island the invading
immigrants were the Jutes, Saxons, Danes and Angles. The Jutes seized Kent,
The Isle of Wight and a part of the mainland; the Saxons had all those
parts that have now the suffix ‘sex’, as Essex, Sussex, Middlesex, and
Wessex; and the Angles took possession of that tract of the north that has
the present terminations ‘land’, ‘shire’ and ‘folk’, as Suffolk, Yorkshire,
Northumberland. These last afterwards gave the name to the whole island.
Dialects are not to be considered corruption of a language, but as varieties less favoured than the principal tongue of the country. Of the various dialects, it must be borne in mind that the northern countries retain many words now obsolete in current English: these words are of the genuine Teutonic stock. The pronunciation may seem rough and harsh, but is the same as that used by the forefathers; consequently it must not be considered barbarous. The other countries of England differ from the vernacular by a depraved pronunciation.
Awareness of regional variation in England is evident from the
fourteenth century, seen in the observation of such writers as
Higden/Trevisa or William Caxton and in the literary presentation of the
characters in Chaucer’s “Reeve’s Tale” or the Wakefield “Second Shepherd’s
Play”. Many of the writers on spelling and grammar in the 16th and 17th
centuries made comments about regional variation, and some (such as
Alexander Gil) were highly systematic in their observants, though the
material is often obscured by a fog of personal prejudices.
The picture which emerges from the kind of dialect information obtained by the Survey of English Dialects relates historically to the dialect divisions recognized in Old and Middle English.
The classification of modern dialects presents serious difficulties as their boundaries are rather vague and the language standard more and more invades the spread area of the dialectal speech. One of the most serious attempts at such classification was made by A. Ellis. His classification more or less exactly reflects the dialectal map of modern Great Britain and it was taken as the basis by many dialectologists.
The map below displays thirteen traditional dialect areas (it excludes
the western tip of Cornwall and most of Wales, which were not English
speaking until the 18th century). A major division is drawn between the
North and everywhere else, broadly following the boundary between the Anglo-
Saxon kingdoms of Northumbria and Mercia, and a Secondary division is found
between much of the Midlands and areas further south. A hierarchal
representation of the dialect relationship is shown below. (¹8, p.324).
Relatively few people in England now speak a dialect of the kind represented above. Although some forms will still be encountered in real life, they are more often found in literary representations of dialect speech and in dialect humour books. The disappearance of such pronunciations, and their associated lexicon and grammar, is sometimes described as “English dialects dying out”. The reality is that they are more than compensated for by the growth of a range of comparatively new dialect forms, chiefly associated with the urban areas of the country. If the distinguishing features of these dialects are used as the basis of classification, a very different-looking dialect map emerges with 16 major divisions.
Part II. Background of the Cornish language.
The southwestern areas of England include Devonshire, Somersetshire,
Cornwall, Wiltshire and Dosertshire. But first of all I’d like to draw your
attention to the Cornish language as it doesn’t exist now.
The History of Cornish.
1. Who are the Cornish?
The Cornish are a Celtic people, in ancient times the Westernmost kingdom of the Dumnonii, the people who inhabited all of Cornwall, Devon and West Somerset.
The Cornish are probably the same people who have lived in Cornwall
since the introduction of farming around 3000 B.C.. The start of farming in
Cornwall may also indicate the start of what some scholars now term ‘proto
Indo-European’, from whence the Celtic languages along with the Italic and
other related groups of languages began evolving.
2. What is a Celtic Language?
Around 2000 B.C., the group of languages now called Celtic languages started to split away from the other members of the Indo-European group of languages. By 1200 B.C. Celtic civilisation, a heroic culture with its own laws and religion is first known. It is from this period that the first king lists and legends are believed to come.
3. How is Cornish Related to other Celtic Languages?
Between 1500 B.C. and the first encounters with the Romans (around 350
B.C.), the Celtic languages are believed to split into two distinct groups,
the ‘p’ and ‘q’ Celtic branches. Cornish, Welsh and Breton (to which
Cornish is most closely related) are the three remaining ‘p’ Celtic
languages. Irish, Scots Gaelic and Manx being the ‘q’ Celtic tongues.
4. The Decline of Cornish.
Cornish developed pretty much naturally into a modern European language until the 17th century, after which it came under pressure by the encroachment of English. Factors involved in its decline included the introduction of the English prayer book, the rapid introduction of English as a language of commerce and most particularly the negative stigma associated with what was considered by Cornish people themselves as the language of the poor.
5. The Rebirth of Cornish.
Cornish died out as a native language in the late 19th century, with the last Cornish speaker believed to have lived in Penwith. By this time however, Cornish was being revived by Henry Jenner, planting the seeds for the current state of the language and it is supposed that the last native speaker was the fishwoman Dolly Pentreath.
6. Standard Cornish.
Standard Cornish was developed from Jenner’s work by a team under the leadership of Morton Nance, culminating in the first full set of grammars, dictionaries and periodicals. Standard Cornish (Unified) is again being developed through UCR (Unified Cornish Revised), and incorporates most features of Cornish, including allowing for Eastern and Western forms of pronunciation and colloquial and literary forms of Cornish.
7. Who uses Cornish Today?
Today Cornish typically appeals to all age groups and to those either who have an empathy with Cornwall, who have Cornish roots or perhaps have moved to Cornwall from elsewhere. One of the great successes of Cornish today is ifs wide appeal. After a break in native speakers for nearly one hundred years, Cornwall now has many children who now have Cornish as a native language along side English, and many more who are fluent in the language.
8. Government Recognition for Cornish.
Cornish is the only modern Celtic language that receives no
significant support from government, despite the growing numbers learning
Cornish, and the immense good will towards it from ordinary Cornish people
and from elsewhere.
This contrasts strongly with the favourable stand taken by the Manx government towards Manx for example, as evidenced by Manx primary school places being made generally available.
Recently, the UK government scrapped the Cornish GCSE. Lack of Cornish
language facilities and support is no longer just a language issue, but is
rapidly becoming a civil rights and political issue too. Despite the
growing support of councillors in Cornwall, some key individuals in County
Hall continue to make clear their hostility to the language. e.g. of the Cornish language:
“Pyw yw an Gernowyon?
Pobel Geltek yw an bobel a Gernow . Yn osow hendasek, an wtas
Gorfewenna yn Wtas Dumnonii, neb a dregas yn Kernow, Dewnans ha Gwtas an
Haf.
Y hyltyr bos del An Gernowyon a wrug trega yn Kernow hedro an dallath
gonys tyr adro 3000 K.C.. An dallath gonys tyr yn Kernow a vo dallath an os
‘proto Yndo-Europek’, dres an tavajow Keltek ha tavajow Ytaiek dallath dhe
dhysplegya.”
Part III. Peculiarities of South-Western Dialects.
1. Vocalisation.
|Devonshire |Somersetshire |Wiltshire |
|“a” after “w” |
|is realized as [a:]: |is realized as [æ]: | |
|wasp [wa:sp] |warm [wærm] | |
|watch [wa:t?] |warn [wærn] | |
|want [wa:nt] |wart [wært] | |
|wander [wa:nd ] | | |
|“asp”, “ass”, “ast”, “a” > [æ]: grass [græs], glass [glæs], fast [fæst] |
|“al + a consonant” |
| |“l” is realized as [a:] | |
| |or | |
| |[ :]: | |
| |talk [ta:k] | |
| |walk [wa:k] | |
| |chalk [t?a:k] | |
| |balk [ba:k] | |
|a + l, a + ll |
|in the open syllable | |in the open syllable |
|“a” > [æ]: | |“a” > [æ]: |
|crane [kræn] | |crane [kræn] |
|frame [fræm] | |frame [fræm] |
|lame [læm] | |lame [læm] |
|make [mæk] | |make [mæk] |
|name [næm] | |name [næm] |
|The first sound is vowel |
|acre [jakr] |
|ale [jal] |
|acorn [’jak?rn] |
|hare [hja:r] |
|ache [jek] |
|acorn [jek?rn] |
|behave [b?’hjev] |
|“e” in the closed syllables > “a” |
|Nothern |Western | |
|egg [ag], fetch [fat?], step [stap], | |
|wretch [rat?], stretch [strat?] | |
|“e” in the closed syllables > [e?] |
|Eastern |Southern | |
|egg [e?g], stretch [stre?t?] | |
|“e” in the closed syllables > [e:] |
|South-Western |Western |Middle/Eastern |
|Leg [le:g], bed [be:d], hedge [he:d(] | |
|if “e” follows “w” > [ :] |
| |Western | |
| |well [w :l] | |
| |twelve [tw :lv] | |
| |wench [w :nt?] | |
|“i” in the closed syllable |
|North-Western |Western | |
|> [e]: |> [ ]: | |
|big [beg] |bill [b l] | |
|bid [bed] |little [’l tl] | |
|flitch [fletch] |children [’t? ldr n] | |
|sit [set] |cliff [kl f] | |
|spit [spet] |hill [h l] | |
| |drift [dr ft] | |
| |shrimp [?r mp] | |
| |fit [f t] | |
| |ship [? p] | |
| |pig [p g] | |
| |fish [f ?] | |
|“ight” > [e] |
|North-Western |Western | |
|flight, right | |
|if a nasal consonant follows “i” |
|> [e]: | |> [e]: |
|sing [se?] | |sing [se?] |
|cling [kle?] | |cling [kle?] |
|“i” before “nd” |
|North-Western | | |
|> [e]: | | |
|bind [ben] | | |
|blind [blen] | | |
|find [ven] | | |
|grind [gren] | | |
|“i” before “ld” |
| |Eastern | |
| |> [i:]: | |
| |mild [mi:ld] | |
| |wild [wi:ld] | |
| |child [t??ld] | |
|“i” in the open syllable |
|South-Western |Southern | |
|> [e?]: |> [e?]: | |
|fly [fle?] |bide [be?d] | |
|lie [le?] |wide [we?d] | |
|thigh [?e?] |time [te?m] | |
|Eastern | | |
|> [ ?]: | | |
|fly [fl ?] | | |
|lie [l ?] | | |
|“o” in the closed syllable followed by a consonant |
|South-Western | |Eastern |
|> [a:]: | |> [ ]: |
|dog [da:g] | |cot [k t] |
|cross [kra:s] | |bottom [b tm] |
| | |dog [d g] |
| | |cross [kr s] |
| | |Western |
| | |> [a:]: |
| | |dog [da:g] |
| | |cross [kra:s] |
|“o” + a nasal consonant |
|North-Western |Western |Western |
|> [æ]: |> [æ]: | |
|among [?’mæ?] |among [?’mæ?] |among [?’mæ?] |
|long [læ?] |long [læ?] |long [læ?] |
|wrong [ræ?] |wrong [ræ?] |wrong [ræ?] |
|“ol” + a consonant |
| |Western |Western |
| |> [u?]: |> [u?]: |
| |gold [gv?ld] |gold [gv?ld] |
| |old [u?ld] |old [u?ld] |
|“o” in the open syllable and “oa” |
| |Western | |
| |> [ ]: | |
| |bone [b n] | |
| |broad [br d] | |
| |rope [r p] | |
| |load [l d] | |
| |“oi” | |
| | |> [a?]: |
| | |choice [t?a?s] |
| | |join [d(a?n] |
| | |moil [ma?l] |
| | |point [pa?nt] |
| | |spoil [spa?l] |
| | |voice [va?s] |
|“u” in the closed syllable |
|Southern | | |
|> [e]: | | |
|but [bet] | | |
|dust [dest] | | |
|“ou” / ”ow” |
| | |Easter |
| | |> [av]: |
| | |low [lav] |
| | |owe [au] |
|“oo” |
|North-Western |Western |Middle/Eastern |
|> [?]: |> [ö]: |> [ ]: |
|good [g?d] |book [bök] |book [b k] |
|hood [h?d] |cook [kök] |brook [br k] |
|foot [f?t] |crook [krök] |crook [kr k] |
|blood [bl?d] |look [lök] |look [l k] |
|stood [st?d] |took [tök] |took [t k] |
|bloom [bl?m] |good [göd] |good [g d] |
|broom [br?m] |foot [föt] |foot [f t] |
|moon [m?n] |stood [stöd] |soot [s t] |
|loom [l?m] | |flood [fl d] |
|Eastern | | |
|> [ ]: | | |
|book [b k] | | |
|brook [br k] | | |
|crook [kr k] | | |
|“i” in the open syllable |
|South-western |Southern | |
|> [e?]: |> [e?]: | |
|fly [fle?] |bide [be?d] | |
|lie [le?] |wide [we?d] | |
|thigh [?e?] |time [te?m] | |
|Eastern | | |
|> [ ?]: | | |
|fly [fl ?] | | |
|lie [l ?] | | |
|“o” in the closed syllable followed by a consonant |
|South-western | |Eastern |
|> [a:]: | |> [ ]: |
|dog [da:g] | |cot [k t] |
|cross [kra:s] | |bottom [b tm] |
| | |dog [d g] |
| | |cross [kr s] |
| | |Western |
| | |> [a:]: |
| | |dog [da:g] |
| | |cross [kra:s] |
|Devonshire |Somersetshire |Wiltshire |
|“o” + a nasal consonant |
|North-western |Western |Western |
|> [æ]: among [?’mæ?], long [læ?], wrong [wræ?] |
|“ol” + a consonant |
| |Western |Western |
| |> [u?l]: gold [gv?ld], old [u?ld] |
|“oa” |
| |Western | |
| |> [ ]: | |
| |bone [b n] | |
| |broad [br d] | |
| |rope [r p] | |
| |load [l d] | |
| |“oi” | |
| | |> [a?]: |
| | |choice [t?a?s] |
| | |join [d(a?n] |
| | |moil [ma?l] |
| | |point [pa?nt] |
| | |spoil [spa?l] |
| | |voice [va?s] |
|“u” in the closed syllable |
|Southern | | |
|> [e]: | | |
|but [bet] | | |
|dust [dest] | | |
|“ou”/“ow” |
| | |Easter |
| | |> [av]: |
| | |low [lav] |
| | |owe [au] |
|“oo” |
|North-Western |Western |Middle/Eastern |
|> [?]: |> [ö]: |> [ ]: |
|good [g?d] |book [bök] |book [b k] |
|hood [h?d] |cook [kök] |brook [br k] |
|foot [f?t] |crook [krök] |crook [kr k] |
|blood [bl?d] |look [lök] |look [l k] |
|stood [st?d] |took [tök] |took [t k] |
|bloom [bl?m] |good [göd] |good [g d] |
|broom [br?m] |foot [föt] |foot [f t] |
|moon [m?n] |stood [stöd] |soot [s t] |
|loom [l?m] | |flood [fl d] |
|root [r?t] | | |
|spoon [sp?n] | | |
|Eastern | | |
|> [ ]: | | |
|book [b k] | | |
|brook [br k] | | |
|crook [kr k] | | |
|look [l k] | | |
|“er”, “ir”, “ur” |
| |Southern | |
| |> [a:]: | |
| |learn [la:n] | |
| |earth [a:?] | |
| |bird [ba:d] | |
| |birch [ba:t?] | |
| |merchant [’ma:t??nt] | |
| |herb [ha:b] | |
| |work [wa:k] | |
|“or” |
| |> [a:]: fork [fa:k], horse [ha:s], horn [ha:n], |
| |short [?a:t], |
| | Morning [’ma:n??], word [wa:d] |
|“ew” |
|Eastern | |Northern |
|> [ü:]: | |> [jav]: |
|dew [dü:] | |dew [djau] |
|few [fü:] | |few [fjau] |
| | |new [njau] |
| |
|2. Consonantism |
|[w] in the beginning of the word or before “h” |
|old [w l] | |[w] is not pronounced: |
|oak [w k] | |week [ouk] |
|hot [w t] | |swick [su:k] |
|home [w m] | | |
|orchard [wurt??t] | | |
|hole [hwul] | | |
|hope [hwup] | | |
|open [’wupen] | | |
|“w” before “r” |
|is not pronounced |Western |is not pronounced |
| |> [vr]: | |
| |wreck, wren, wrench, | |
| |wrap, write, wrong | |
| |e.g. Ye vratch, ye’ve | |
| |vrutten that a’vrang. | |
| |(= You wretch, you’ve | |
| |written that all wrong.)| |
|“wh” at the beginning of a word is [w], [u:], [u?] |
|in the middle of a word [w] is pronounced |
|boy [bwo], moist [mw ?st], toad [twud], cool [kwul], country [’kw?ntr?] |
|“f”, “th”, “s”, “sh” are voiced |
|Friday [’vræ:d?], friends [vr?n(], fleas [vle:z], and in the these words: |
|foe, father, fair, fear, find, fish, foal, full, follow, filth, fist, fire, |
|fond, fault, feast, force, forge, fool. |
|[?]: thought [ð :t], thick [ð?k], thigh [ða?], and in the words: from, |
|freeze, fresh, free, friend, frost, frog, froth, flesh, fly flock, flood, |
|fleece, fling, flower, fail. |
|“t” at the beginning of the word before a vowel |
|Nothern | | |
|> [t?]: | | |
|team [t?em], | | |
|tune [t?un], | | |
|Tuesday [’t?uzde] | | |
|East D “t” in the middle| | |
|of the word is voiced: | | |
|bottle [’b dl], | | |
|kettle [’kedl], | | |
|little [’l?dl], | | |
|nettle [’nedl], | | |
|bottom [’b dm], | | |
|matter [’med?], | | |
|cattle [’k dl], | | |
|kittens [k?dnz] | | |
|“t” in the middle of the word is voiced |
| | |Western |
| | |bottle [’b dl], |
| | |kettle [’kedl], |
| | |little [’l?dl], |
| | |nettle [’nedl], |
| | |bottom [’b dm], |
| | |matter [’med?], |
| | |cattle [’k dl], |
| | |kittens [k?dnz] |
|The consonant [t] in (the French borrowings) hasn’t become [t?] as it is in |
|RP: |
|picture [’p?kt?r], nature [’net?r], feature [’f??t?r] |
|the middle [t] sometimes disappears in the positions before “m…l”, “n…l”, |
|“m…r” |
| |Western | |
| |brimstone [’br?msn] | |
| |empty [’emp?] | |
| |The same happens to the | |
| |middle [b]: | |
| |chamber > chimmer, | |
| |embers > emmers, | |
| |brambles > brimmels | |
|between “l” and “r”; “r” and “l”; “n” and “r” a parasitic [d] has developed |
|parlour [’pa:ld?r], tailor [’ta?ld?r], smaller [’sm :ld?r], curls |
|[’ka:dlz], hurl [’a:dl], marl [’ma:dl], quarrel [’kw :dl], world [’wa:dl], |
|corner [’ka:nd?r] |
| | |Western |
| | |a parasitic [d] appeared|
| | |after [l, n, r]: |
| | |feel [fi:ld] |
| | |school [sku:ld] |
| | |idle [a?dld] |
| | |mile [ma?dl] |
| | |born [ba?nd] |
| | |soul [s :ld] |
| | |soon [zu:nd] |
| | |gown [gaund] |
| | |swoon [zaund] |
| | |wine [wa?nd] |
| | |miller [’m?l?d] |
| | |scholar [’sk l?d] |
|the middle [d] in the word “needle” comes after [l]: [ni:ld] |
| |Eastern | |
| |In the word “disturb” | |
| |[b] is pronounced as [v]| |
| |- | |
| |[dis, t?:v] | |
|the first [?] is pronounced as [ð] |
|thank [ðæ?k] and in other words: thatch, thaw, thigh, thin, thing, think, |
|third, thistle, thong, thought, thousand, thumb, thunder, Thursday |
| |Sometimes [?] is | |
| |pronounced as [t] at the| |
| |end of the word: | |
| |lath [lat] | |
| | |Western |
| | |In some words [s] at the|
| | |beginning of the word is|
| | |pronounced as [?]: |
| | |suet [?u?t]. |
| | |The same happens when |
| | |[s] is in the middle of |
| | |the word: |
| | |first [fer?t] |
| | |breast [br??t] |
| | |next [n??t] |
| | |North-West W: [s] is |
| | |sometimes pronounced as |
| | |[(]: sure [(u?r] |
|“sh”, “sk” at the end of the word |
| |Western | |
| |> [s]: | |
| |cask [k s] | |
| |flask [fl s] | |
| |leash [li:s] | |
| |tusk [tus] | |
| |Sometimes instead of [k]| |
| |[t?] is heard: | |
| |back [b t?] | |
| |wark [wa:t?] | |
|sometimes the initial letter or a syllable is apsent |
| |Western |Eastern |
| |believe, deliver, desire, directly, disturb, |
| |eleven, enough, except, occasion, inquest, |
| |epidemic |
|the initial “cl” |
|> [tl]: clad [tlad], clap, clay, claw, clean, cleave, clergy, clerk, clew, |
|cliff, climb, cling, clip, cloak, close, clot, cloth, cloud, clout |
|“gl” in the beginning of the word |
|> [dl]: glad, glass, glisten, gloom, glove, glow |
|[l] in the middle of the word isn’t pronounced |
| |Western |Eastern |
| |Already |
| |shoulder [’?a:d?r] |
| | |the Middle/Eastern |
| | |[l] is often > [ ]: |
| | |bill [b?’ ] |
| | |tool [tu’ ] |
| | |nibble [n?’b ] |
| | |milk [m?’ k] |
| | |silk [s?’ k] |
3. Grammar.
3.1 Nouns.
The definite article.
- There isn’t the definite article before “same”: ’Tis same’s I always told ’ee”.
- The of-phrase “the… of” is of ten used instead of the possessive pronoun (e.g. “the head of him “instead of” his head”)
The plural form of a noun.
- In many cases -s (es) can be added for several times: e.g. steps [’steps?z] (South Som.)
- in some cases [n] is heard at the end of the word: e.g. keys [ki:n] (Wil.) cows [kain] (Dev.) bottles [botln] (South-W. Dev.) primroses [pr?mr zn] (Dev.)
- but sometimes [s] is heard in the words ended with “-n” e.g. oxen [ ksnz] (Western Som.) rushes [r?ksnz] (Dev.)
- some nouns have the same form in the singular and in the plural: e.g. chicken - chickens [t??k] (Som.) pipe - pipes [pa?p] (Som.)
- sometimes the plural form of the noun is used insted of the singular form: a house [auzn] (Southern Wil.)
3.2 Gender.
The full characteristic of Gender in South-Western English I’d like to base on the part of the article by Paddock. Paddock uses the historical lebel “Wessex” to describe the countries of South-Western England.
3.2.1 Gender making in Wessex-type English.
“It is usually claimed that English nouns lost their grammatical
gender during the historical period called Middle English, roughly 1100-
1500. But this claim needs some qualification. What actually happened
during the Middle English period was that more overt gender marking of
English nouns gave way to more covert marking. As in Lyons (1968:281-8),
the term ‘gender’ is used here to refer to morphosyntactic classes of
nouns. It is true that the loss of adjective concord in Middle English made
gender marking less overt; but Modern English still retains some determiner
concord which allows us to classify nouns (Christophersen and Sandved
1969). In addition, Modern English (ModE), like Old English (OE) and Middle
English (ME), possesses pronominal distinctions which enable us to classify
nouns.
We can distinguish at least three distinctly different types of gender
marking along the continuum from most overt to most covert. The most overt
involves the marking of gender in the morphology of the noun itself, as in
Swahili (Lyons 1968:284-6). Near the middle of the overt-covert continuum
we could place the marking of gender in adnominals such as adjectives and
determiners. At or near the covert end of the scale we find the marking of
gender in pronominal systems.
During all three main historical stages of the English language (OE,
ME, ModE) one has been able to assign nouns to three syntactic classes
called MASCULINE, FEMININE and NEUTER. However, throughout the recorded
history of English this three-way gender marking has become less and less
overt. In OE all three types of gender marking were present. But even in OE
the intrinsic marking (by noun inflections) was often ambiguous in that it
gave more information about noun declension (ie paradigm class) than about
gender (ie concord class). The least ambiguous marking of gender in OE was
provided by the adnominals traditionally called demonstratives and definite
articles. In addition, gender ‘discord’ sometimes occurred in OE, in that
the intrinsic gender marking (if any) and the adnominal marking, on the one
hand, did not always agree with the gender of the pronominal, on the other
hand. Standard ME underwent the loss of a three-way gender distinction in
the morphology of both the nominals and the adnominals. This meant that
Standard ModE nouns were left with only the most covert type of three-way
gender marking, that of the pronominals. Hence we can assign a Standard
ModE noun to the gender class MASCULINE, FEMININE or NEUTER by depending
only on whether it selects he, she or it respectively as its proform.
During the ME and Early ModE periods the south-western (here called
Wessex-type) dialects of England diverged from Standard English in their
developments of adnominal and pronominal subsystems. In particular, the
demonstratives of Standard English lost all trace of gender marking,
whereas in south-western dialects their OE three-way distinction of
MASCULINE/FEMININE/NEUTER developed into a two-way MASS/COUNT distinction
which has survived in some Wessex-type dialects of Late ModE. The result in
Wessex was that the two-way distinction in adnominals such as
demonstratives and indefinites came into partial conflict with the three-
way distinction in pronominals”. (¹18, p.31-32)
- Nowadays in the south-western dialects the pronouns ‘he’ / ‘she’ are used instead of a noun: e.g. My ooman put her bonnet there last year, and the birds laid their eggs in him. (= it)
Wurs my shovel? I aa got’im; him’s her. (= Where is my shovel? I’ve
got it. That’s it.)
- In the south-western dialects objects are divided into two categories:
1) countable nouns (a tool, a tree), and the pronouns ‘he’ / ‘she’ are used
with them
2) uncountable nouns (water, dust), and the pronoun ‘it’ is used with them.
The pronoun ‘he’ is used towards women.
3.3 Numerals.
In south-western dialects the compound numerals (21-99) are pronounced as: five and fifty, six and thirty.
In Devonshire instead of ‘the second’ ‘twoth’ is used (the twenty- twoth of April).
3.4 Adjectives.
In all dialects of the south-west -er, -est are used in the comparative and superative degrees with one-, two- and more syllabic adjectives: e.g. the naturaler the seasonablest delightfuller (-est) worser - worsest (Dw.)
- The words: ‘gin’, ‘an’, ‘as’, ‘nor’, ‘till’, ‘by’, ‘to’, ‘in’, ‘on’ are used instead of ‘than’ in the comparative forms: e.g. When the lad there wasn’t scarce the height of that stool, and a less size on (= than) his brother…;
That’s better gin naething;
More brass inney (= than you) hadd’n;
It’s moor in bargain (= more than a bargain).
- The word ‘many’ is used with uncountable nouns e.g. many water / milk
- The word ‘first’ is often used in the meaning of ‘the next’: e.g. The first time I gang to the smiddie I’ll give it to him.
Will you come Monday first or Monday eight days?
3.5 Pronouns.
- The forms of the nominative case are often used instead of the forms of the objective case and vice versa: e.g. Oi don’t think much o’ they (= of them).
Oi went out a-walkin wi’ she (= with her).
Oi giv ut t’ he (= it) back again.
Us (= we) don’t want t’ play wi’ he (= him).
Har (= she) oon’t speak t’ th’ loikes o’ we (= us).
When us (= we) is busy, him (= he) comes and does a day’s work for we (= us).
- The pronoun ‘mun’ (‘min’) is used in those cases, when in the literary language ‘them’ is used: e.g. put mun in the house gie mun to me
I mind (= remember) the first time I seed mun.
- ‘Mun’ is also used instead of ‘him’, ‘it’ e.g. let min alone it would sarve un right if I telled the parson of mun
- Instead of ‘those’, ‘them’ is used: e.g. I mind none of them things.
Give us them apples.
Fetch them plaates off o’ th’ pantry shelf.
- In the south-western dialects at the beginning of the sentenu the personal and impersonal pronouns are often dropped.
- “Whom” is never used in the south-western dialects. Instead of it
‘as’ / ‘at’ is used: e.g. That’s the chap as (or what) his uncle was hanged.
The man’ at his coat’s torn.
- The nominative case of the personal pronouns is also used before
‘selves’: e.g. we selves (Somerseshire, Devonshire)
- The standard demonstrative pronoun ‘this’ is used in the south- western dialects as: ‘this’, ‘this here’, ‘thease’, ‘thisn’,
‘thisna’.
- The standard demonstrative pronoun ‘that’ is used in the south- western dialects as: ‘thatn’, ‘thickumy’, ‘thilk’: e.g. I suppose I could have told thee thilk.
- ‘Those’ is never used in the south-western dialects.
“thir’ ans” is used instead of it.
3.5.1 Demonstrative adjectives and pronouns in a Devonshire dialect.
I’d like to give not only the grammatical description of adjectives and pronouns in the south-western part of England, but the pronunciation of demonstrative adjectives and pronouns found in the dialect of south zeal, a village on the northern edge of Dartmoor. Martin Harris made his research work in this field:
“The analysis is based on a corpus of some twenty hours of tape-
recorded conversation, collected in the course of work for a Ph.D. thesis,
either in the form of a dialogue between two informants or of a monologue
on the part of a single informant. The principal informant, Mr George
Cooper, has lived for some eighty-five years in the parish, and has only
spent one night in his life outside the county of Devon.
For the purposes of this chapter, only one phonological point needs to
be made. The /r/ phoneme is retroflex in final position, and induces a
preceding weak central vowel [?] when occurring in the environment /Vr/,
(thus [V?r]), when the /V/ in question is /i:/ or /?/. (These are the only
two vowels relevant within this work.). The transcription used for the
actual forms should not give rise to any further problems. In the case of
the illustrative examples, 1 have decided to use a quasi-orthographical
representation, since the actual phonetic/phonemic realization is not
directly relevant to the point under discussion. The prominent syllable(s)
in each example are illustrated thus: “.
We may now proceed to look at the actual forms found in the dialect
(Table 1):
|Singular adjective| | | |
| |/ði:z/ |/ðat/ |/ði-ki:/ |
|Simple |/ðs/ | | |
|First compound |/ði:z/ ji:r/ |/ðat ð?r/ |/ði-ki: ð?r/ |
| |/ðis ji:r/ | | |
|Singular pronoun | | | |
|Simple |/ðis/ |/ðat/ |/ ði-ki:/ |
| |/ði:z/ | | |
|First compound |/ðis ji:r/ |/ðat ð?r/ | |
|Second compound |/ðis ji:r ji:r/ |/ðat ð?r ð?r/ | |
|Plural adjective | | | |
|Simple |/ðejz/ |/ðej/ |/ði-ki:/ |
| |/ði:z/ | | |
|First compound |/ðejz ji:r/ |/ðej ð?r/ |/ði-ki: ð?r/ |
|Plural pronoun | | | |
|Simple (only) | |/ðej/ | |
The relative frequency of these forms is shown in Table 2.
|Adjectives |
|Singular |% |Plural |% |
|/ði:z/ |13 |/ðejz/ |23 |
|/ðis/ |11 |/ði:z/ |2 |
|/ði:z ji:r/ |9 |/ðejz ji:r/ |7 |
|/ðis ji:r/ |2 |/ði:z ji:r/ |4 |
|/ðat/ |15 |/ðej/ |49 |
|/ðat ð?r/ |3 |/ðej ð?r/ |2 |
|/ði-ki:/ |43 |/ði-ki:/ |10 |
|/ði-ki: ð?r/ |4 |/ði-ki: ð?r/ |3 |
| |100 | |100 |
|Pronouns |
|Singular |% |Plural |% |
|/ðis/ |10 | | |
|/ði:z/ |4 | | |
|/ðis ji:r/ |2 | | |
|/ðis ji:r ji:r/ |25 |/ðej/ |100 |
|/ðat/ |22 | | |
|/ðat ð?r/ |2 | | |
|/ðat ð?r ð?r/ |34 | | |
|/ði-ki:/ |1 | | |
| |100 | | |
The paradigm as outlined in Tables 1, 2 presents few morphological
problems. The two pairs of forms /ði:z/ and /ðis/ and /ðejz/ and /ði:z/ do,
however, need examination. In the singular of the adjective, the two forms
/ði:z/ and /ðis/ are both frequent, being used mostly in unstressed and
stressed position respectively. However, some 30 per cent of the
occurrences of each form do not follow this tendency, so it does not seem
profitable to set up a stressed: unstressed opposition, particularly since
such a division would serve no purpose in the case of /ðat/ and /ði-ki:/.
With the ‘first compounds’, the form /ði:z ji:r/ outnumbers /ðis ji:r/ in
the ratio 1 in the adjective position.
When functioning as a pronoun, /ði:z/ is rare as a simple form and never occurs at all either within a first compound (although ‘first compounds’ are so rare as pronouns that no generalization can usefully be made, see Table 2) or within a ‘second compound’, where only /ðis ji:r ji:r/, never /ði:z ji:r ji:r/, is found. Thus /ðis/ seems to be more favoured as a pronoun, and /ði:z/ as an adjective; this, of course, is only a tendency.
In the plural, the position is more clear-cut. The normal adjective plurals are /ðejz/ and /ðejz ji:r/, which outnumber /ði:z/ and /ði:z ji:r/ by a large margin (see Table 2). Such cases of the latter as do occur may perhaps be ascribed to Standard English influence, since /ði:z/ is clearly used normally as a singular rather than a plural form. The absence of any reflex of /ðejz/ as a plural pronoun is discussed below.
The other forms present little morphological difficulty. There is only one occurrence of /ði-ki:/ as a pronoun, although as an adjective it almost outnumbers /ði:z/ and /ðat/ together, so it seems to belong primarily to the adjectival system. The normal singular pronouns are either the simple forms or the ‘second compounds’, the ‘first compounds’ being most unusual.
In the plural of the adjective, the simple forms are much more frequent than their equivalent ‘first compounds’, whereas in the plural of the pronoun, there is apparently only the one form /ðej/. The status of this form is discussed below.
The following are examples of those demonstatives which are not further discussed below. The uses of /ðat/ as a singular adjective, of /ði- ki:/ as a singular or plural adjective, and of all the pronouns are fully exemplified in the syntactic section, and thus no examples are given here.
/ði:z/
I come down “here to live in this little old “street.
Well; “this year, I done a bit “lighter.
Now “this season, tis “over.
This was coming “this way.
/ðis ji:r/
There’s all this here sort of “jobs going on to “day.
I was down “there where this here “plough was up “here.
Iðejzl
These places be alright if you know where you’m “going to.
They got to pay the “wages to these people.
I do a bit of “gardening . . . and likes of all these things.
/ðej/
What makes all they “hills look so well?
Where “Jim was sent to, they two “met.
“They won’t have all they sort of people up there.
Tell “Cooper to “shift “they “stones “there.
We may now turn to the functions of those forms whose uses are identifiably different from those of Standard English.
The most striking feature of the demonstrative system is that, in the
singular adjective system at least, there is apparently a three-term
opposition /ði:z : ðat : ði-ki:/, in contrast with the two-term system of
Standard English. It seems fair to say that the role of /ði:z/ is similar
to that of 'this' in Standard English (but see note on /ði:z ji:r/ below),
but any attempt to differentiate /ðat/ and /ði-ki:/ proves extremely
difficult. There are a number of sentences of the type:
If you was to put “that stick in across “thicky pony . . .
where the two forms seem to fill the same function. The virtual absence of
/ði-ki:/ from the pronoun system, together with the fact that /ði-ki:/ is
three times as frequent as /ðat/ as an adjective, would suggest that /ði-
ki:/ is the normal adjectival form in the dialect, and that /ðat/ has a
greater range, having a function which is basically pronominal but in
addition adjectival at times. This is further supported by the fact that
when presented with sentences of the type:
He turned that “hare “three “times and “he caught it. the informant claimed that /ði-ki:/ would be equally acceptable and could indicate no distinction. Thus there are pairs of sentences such as
I used to walk that there “two mile and “half.
You'd walk thicky “nine “mile. or again
That finished “that job.
I wouldn’t have “thicky job.
There are certain cases where either one form or the other seems to be required. In particular, /ðat/ is used when actually indicating a size with the hands:
Go up and see the stones “that length, “that thickness. while /ði-ki:/ is used in contrast with /t?-ðr/, where Standard English would normally use ‘one’ or ‘the one’.
Soon as they got it “thicky hand, they’d thruck(?) it away with the
“tother.
In the adjective plural, the contrast between /ði-ki:/ and /ðej/ is not a real one, since /ði-ki:/ is found only with numerals.
I had thicky “eighteen “bob a “week.
I expect thicky “nine was all “one “man’s sheep.
When presented with /ði-ki:/ before plural nominals, the informant
rejected them. It would therefore be preferable to redefine ‘singular’ and
‘plural’ in the dialect to account for this, rather than to consider /ði-
ki:/ as a plural form; this would accordingly neutralize in the plural any
/ði-ki:/:/ðat/ opposition which may exist in the singular.
In the pronominal system, there is only one occurrence of /ði-ki:/:
My missis bought “thicky before her “died (a radio).
It is true that most of the occurrences of /ðal/ as a pronoun do not refer to a specific antecedent, e.g. I can’t afford to do “that, but there are a number of cases where /ðat/ does play a role closely parallel to /ði- ki:/ above.
As “I was passing “that, and “that was passing “me (a dog).
As there are no other examples of /ði-ki:/ as a singular pronoun, either simply or as part of a ‘first’ or ‘second compound’, and no cases at all in the plural, it seems fair to say that any /ðat/:/ði-ki:/ opposition is realized only in the singular adjective, and that here too it is difficult to see what the basis of any opposition might be. A list of representative examples of /ðat/, /ðat ð?r/, /ði-ki:/ and /ði-ki: ð?r/ is given below, in their function as singular adjectives, so that they can easily be compared.
/ðat/
All they got to “do is steer that little “wheel a bit.
You’d put in “dynamite to blast that stone “off.
Us’d go “in that pub and have a pint of “beer.
/ðat ð?r/
I used to walk that there “two mile and “half.
Good as “gold, that there “thing was.
/ði-ki:/
All of us be in “thicky boat, you see.
‘Thicky “dog’, he said, ‘been there all “day?’
Stairs wen